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In his Institutes, John Calvin defined natural law as the “apprehension of the conscience which distinguishes sufficiently between just and unjust, and which deprives men of the excuse of ignorance, while it proves them guilty by their own testimony.” He described the purpose of natural law as “to render man inexcusable.”1

Thomas Carlyle lit his prophetic fires in the empyrean of Bacon and Locke, Hume and Bentham, and then Mills. The power of cognition, or superior intellect would drive this Titan through the Victorian Age. Yet, it was in the light of Shakespeare that he would discover his darkest precursor of this power – On Heroes and Hero-Worship (1841):

For, in fact, I say the degree of vision that dwells in a man is a correct measure of the man. If called to define Shakspeare’s faculty, I should say superiority of Intellect, and think I had included all under that. What indeed are faculties? We talk of faculties as if they were distinct, things separable; as if a man had intellect, imagination, fancy, etc., as he has hands, feet, and arms. That is a capital error. Then again, we hear of a man’s “intellectual nature,” and of his “moral nature,” as if these again were divisible, and existed apart. Necessities of language do perhaps prescribe such forms of utterance; we must speak, I am aware, in that way, if we are to speak at all. But words ought not to harden into things for us. It seems to me, our apprehension of this matter is, for the most part, radically falsified thereby. We ought to know withal, and to keep for ever in mind, that these divisions are at bottom but names; that man’s spiritual nature, the vital Force which dwells in him, is essentially one and indivisible…If I say therefore, that Shakspeare is the greatest of Intellects, I have said all concerning him. But there is more in Shakspeare’s intellect than we have yet seen. It is what I call an unconscious intellect; there is more virtue in it than he himself is aware of. Novalis beautifully remarks of him, that those Dramas of his are Products of Nature too, deep as Nature herself. I find a great truth in this saying. Shakspeare’s Art is not Artifice; the noblest worth of it is not there by plan or precontrivance. It grows-up from the deeps of Nature, through this noble sincere soul, who is a voice of Nature.

Carlyle steeped as he was in the philosophy and poetry of the English and German Idealism followed the intricate course of vitalism through such romantics as Goethe, Novalis, William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge. He also grappled with Kant, Fichte, Schelling and Hegel. He wrote a great history of the French Revolution that is still worth reading not only for its power of rhetoric but for its deep insight into the dark contours of that age. That old liberal gnostic Harold Bloom in his Essayists and Prophets admired Carlyle for his Shakespearean temper: ”

We can learn from Carlyle also that the distinction between religious and secular writing is merely political and not critical. Critically, all writing is religious, or all writing is secular; Carlyle sees that Shakespeare has abolished the distinction, and has become the second Bible of the West.2

Yet, I doubt the English atheist Carlyle would have stated it in such a way. Being of Calvin stock he was never fully washed clean of the stain of Christianity, but in his secular modifications he entered that naturalist mind that was Shakespeare’s without hesitation. But it would be Nietzsche who would nail the head on the wall when he said of Carlyle – Beyond Good and Evil:

Carlyle: a man of strong words and attitudes, a rhetor from need, constantly lured by the craving for a strong faith and the feeling of his incapacity for it (in this respect, a typical romantic!). The craving for a strong faith is no proof of a strong faith, but quite the contrary. If one has such a faith, then one can afford the beautiful luxury of skepticism; one is sure enough, firm enough, has ties enough for that. Carlyle drugs something in himself with the fortissimo of his veneration of men of strong faith and with his rage against the less simple minded: he requires noise. A constant passionate dishonesty against himself-that is his propriurn; in this respect he is and remains interesting. Of course, in England he is admired precisely for his honesty. Well, that is English; and in view of the fact that the English are the people of consummate cant, it is even as it should be, and not only comprehensible. At bottom, Carlyle is an English atheist who makes it a point of honor not to be one.

That Carlyle became in later life a Reactionary is a part of the dark stain that haunts him still. In the Latter Day Pamphlets he wrote of the sorrows of democracy and the corrosive effects of populist politics and laissez faire capitalism. He attacked democracy as an absurd social ideal, while equally condemning hereditary aristocratic leadership.  Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in April 1850 would review of two of these essays, No. I: “The Present Times” and No. II: “Model Prison”, saying, agreeing with Carlyle as far as his criticism of the hereditary aristocracy, yet criticizing Carlyle’s plan to use democracy as an experiment in reactionary politics. “Thomas Carlyle belongs the credit of having taken the literary field against the bourgeoisie at a time when its views, tastes and ideas held the whole of official English literature totally in thrall, and in a manner which is at times even revolutionary.”(here) Marx and Engels explain the theoretical basis of the author’s reactionary political views and intellectual degeneration: “Carlyle affirms that England still possesses many such nobles and  “kings,” and … he summons them to him.”

Another modern day prophet of the Right, Mencius Moldbug, rides in the wake of this humbug literati of the royalist faction. His take on the reactionary impulse in Carlyle is simple: “A reactionary is not a Republican, a Democrat, or even a libertarian.  It is not even a communist, a fascist, or a monarchist.  It is something much older, stranger, and more powerful.  But if you can describe it as anything, you can describe it as the pure opposite of progressivism.” (here) These reactionaries cannot describe things in positive terms, cannot tell you just what they serve in their political program, but instead offer mythologies of the Sith Lords and non-such interspersed with satirical appreciations of all the proto-fascist ideologies of the Nineteenth and earlier centuries. Mencius even hails Carlyle as the secular Christ: “I am a Carlylean.  I’m a Carlylean more or less the way a Marxist is a Marxist. My worship of Thomas Carlyle, the Victorian Jesus, is no adolescent passion – but the conscious choice of a mature adult. I will always be a Carlylean, just the way a Marxist will always be a Marxist. And it is not too late for you to join us yourself! It’s a big tent, this cult of Carlyle.” (here) Such reactionaries follow simple principles and postulates: “I, and others like me, want to live and should be able to live in a liberal regime of spontaneous order, which is not planned from above but emerges through the natural, uncontrolled interaction of free human atoms.” (here)

In one of his late essays Thomas Carlyle would show the darkest aspects of his being in a racist screed “Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question“. But instead of quoting him I’ll let you follow the path in forming an educated understanding of his ideological carpology: first Chartism, then the Latter-Day Pamphlets, then Shooting Niagara, then the Occasional Discourse. Following Hayek , Mencius Moldbug reminds us that Serfdom and slavery can be described as microgovernment and nanogovernment respectively.  In government proper, the normal human role of patron is filled by a giant, impersonal, and often accidentally sadistic bureaucracy, which is sovereign and self-securing.  In serfdom, this role is filled by a noble house or other large family business, which in turn is a client of the State, and just as fixed to the land as its serfs.  In slavery, mastership is exercised by a mobile individual whose slaves go with him. (here) In an aside he continues: “Democracy here appears as simply a mechanism for controlling subjects by deluding them into believing that they control the entire enterprise, a pretense which cannot be maintained in the context of serfdom or slavery.  In this role it is certainly unnecessary, as physical enforcement technologies are quite sufficient.  The mind-control state is obsolete.” (ibid.) As a reactionary defense Moldbug tells us that Carlyle is in fact ready to be as indignant as anyone over these abuses of slavery as an institution.  “He reasons: since slavery is a natural human relationship, this bond will exist regardless of whether you abolish the word.  And it does – if only in broken and surreptitious forms.  However, if you are a genuine humanitarian and your interest is in abolishing the abuses, the best way to do so is to – abolish the abuses.  So, for example, he proposes reforms such as stronger supervision of slave owners, a standard price by which slaves can buy their freedom, etc, etc.”

What’s twisted in Moldbug’s reasoning is that he accepts all this without blinking as if this was all just natural human relations working themselves out, when in fact these are artificial relations constructed through coercive and illogical, even irrational forms of domination and exploitation as old as Plato’s Republic where the wise Philosophers would rule all those unwise citizens (serfs, slaves). Reactionaries can make everything sound so logical and natural that you’d almost be willing to buy into their horseshit, but then you wake up and realize that like Carlyle himself this whole reactionary process is a form of madness out and out… For him we’re already serfs in a machine, cannibals and cannibalized consumerists in a capitalist system that feeds off our productive slavedom. Trapped in our own dark illusions we see no other way out so we blind ourselves to the chains that lock us into a destructive system all for security and a livelihood to maintain our minimal existence.

1. Lora Koetsier. Natural Law and Calvinist Political Theory (2004 Trafford)
2, Harold Bloom. Essayists And Prophets (Kindle Locations 1164-1166). Kindle Edition.